The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit by Thomas J. SugrueStunning really, searing and beautifully thorough research on race, political economy and the urban fabric of Detroit.
He engages with some central questions: what the hell happened to rust belt cities, how did they turn from industrial centers to economic backwaters, how did the ghetto form, how did segregation and racism persist? He then answers these questions, in the process knocking the almost the entire body of literature on the underclass out of the ballpark. He does build on those that contained some structural analysis, but looks at a multiplicity of structural forces rather than just one or two (like deindustrialization or racism) and also follows a more historical approach, seeing the origins of the urban crisis in the 1940s and 50s. He does not avoid the question of agency -- and there is so much in here about grassroots action -- but paraphrases Marx when he says Economic and racial inequality constrain individual and family choices. They set the limits of human agency. Within the bounds of the possible, individuals and families resist, adapt, or succumb. His main thesis:
Detroits postwar urban crisis emerged as the consequence of two of the most important, interrelated, and unresolved problems in American history: that capitalism generates economic inequality and that African Americans have disproportionately borne the impact of that inequality.
I find his work most interesting in the way he looks at race and space, though I dont fully agree with his view of race. He writes Discrimination by race was a central fact of life in the postwar city. But the dimensions, significance, and very meaning of race differed depending on its cultural, political, and economic context. ... Racial ideology, a shifting and fluid popular vernacular of race, served as the backdrop to the relationship between blacks and whites in the postwar city. Discrimination and ideologies of race are indeed shifting things articulated with cultural, political and economic context, but never a backdrop. The opportunity this book misses is a deeper theorisation of the way the events it relates also formed racial ideologies. This is not to deny that ideology also worked on more of a national level, and that ideas of blackness
In mid-twentieth-century Detroit, as in the rest of the nation, racial identities rested on Widely held assumptions about the inferior intelligence of blacks, notions that blacks were physiologically better suited for certain types of work, and stereotypes about black licentiousness, sexual promiscuity, laziness, and dependence.
did not shape history as much as ideas of whiteness
On the other side was the persistent association of whiteness with Americanism, hard work, sexual restraint, and independence. These assumptions about racial difference were
nourished by a newly assertive whiteness
He argues that in addition to culture, Perhaps most important in shaping the concept of race in the postwar period, I argue, were local and national politics. Race was as much a political as a social construction. But for me, the most interesting thing about this is that he is the first (that I have seen) to deeply examine how race and space intertwine, and the consequences of this third factor in conceptions of race:
Perceptions of racial differences were not, I argue, wholly, or even primarily, the consequences of popular culture. If they were, they would not have had such extraordinary staying power. In the postwar city, blackness and whiteness assumed a spatial definition. The physical state of African American neighborhoods and white neighborhoods in Detroit reinforced perceptions of race. The completeness of racial segregation made ghettoization seem an inevitable, natural consequence of profound racial differences. The barriers that kept blacks confined to racially isolated, deteriorating, inner-city neighborhoods were largely invisible to white Detroiters. To the majority of untutored white observers, visible poverty, overcrowding, and deteriorating houses were signs of individual moral deficiencies, not manifestations of structural inequalities. White perceptions of black neighborhoods provided seemingly irrefutable confirmation of African American inferiority and set the terms of debates over the inclusion of African Americans in the citys housing and labor markets.
Much later in the book he goes on to say
Racial incidents encoded possession and difference in urban space. Residents of postwar Detroit carried with them a cognitive map that helped them negotiate the complex urban landscape. In a large, amorphous twentieth-century city like Detroit, there were few visible landmarks to distinguish one neighborhood from another, But residents imposed onto the citys featureless topography all sorts of invisible boundaries-boundaries shaped by intimate association, by institutions (like public-school catchment areas or Catholic parish boundaries), by class, and, most importantly, by race.
The sustained violence in Detroits neighborhoods was the consummate act in a process of identity formation. White Detroiters invented communities of race in the city that they defined spatially. Race in the postwar city was not just a cultural construction, Instead, whiteness, and by implication blackness, assumed a material dimension, imposed onto the geography of the city. Through the drawing of racial boundaries and through the use of systematic violence to maintain those boundaries, whites reinforced their own fragile racial identity.
How fascinating is that? And depressing. I read this with a little pit of fear that I would run across family members in the accounts of furious blue collar white Catholic homeowners (I didnt).
But what makes this book so fantastic is its breadth. It looks at space and segregation, but also at work and the process of deindustrialisation, it looks at struggle -- both that of African Americans and the grassroots efforts of whites to preserve their neighborhoods, it looks at layers of party politics both local and national, it looks at developers and real estate agents. It looks at gender, at class divisions in the African American community, at union politics and schisms and the way that race consistently trumped class and how homeownership shifted working class consciousness, at the development of discourses around rights and property and housing, shifts in the meaning of liberalism.
This is scholarship to aspire to, the kind of research we need to understand the complexities of race in our cities today and think about effective struggle, and I look forward to reading it again, as its breadth ensures I will find a whole new excitement in it I am sure.
Live on Radio K: I Self Devine - "The Origin of Urban Crisis" & "Exist to Remain"
The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit
Once America's "arsenal of democracy," Detroit over the last fifty years has become the symbol of the American urban crisis. In this reappraisal of racial and economic inequality in modern America, Thomas Sugrue explains how Detroit and many other once prosperous industrial cities have become the sites of persistent racialized poverty. He challenges the conventional wisdom that urban decline is the product of the social programs and racial fissures of the s. Probing beneath the veneer of s prosperity and social consensus, Sugrue traces the rise of a new ghetto, solidified by changes in the urban economy and labor market and by racial and class segregation. In this provocative revision of postwar American history, Sugrue finds cities already fiercely divided by race and devastated by the exodus of industries. He focuses on urban neighborhoods, where white working-class homeowners mobilized to prevent integration as blacks tried to move out of the crumbling and overcrowded inner city. Weaving together the history of workplaces, unions, civil rights groups, political organizations, and real estate agencies, Sugrue finds the roots of today's urban poverty in a hidden history of racial violence, discrimination, and deindustrialization that reshaped the American urban landscape after World War II.
Once America's "arsenal of democracy," Detroit is now the symbol of the American urban crisis. He challenges the conventional wisdom that urban decline is the product of the social programs and racial fissures of the s. Thomas J. Many of our ebooks are available through library electronic resources including these platforms:. Teaching Professors : To request a print examination copy for course consideration, please visit: Ingram Academic. Inspection copies are only available to verified university faculty.
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Sugrue: To Understand Race and Economics in America, Study Detroit
This dramatic and relatively underreported turn of events comes on the heels of a truly bewildering decade for Detroiters. Meanwhile, the cash-strapped city is resorting to mass water shutoffs in its poorest neighborhoods, causing children to be taken from their parents into protective custody because of unsanitary conditions and health emergencies for elderly residents, according to a statement by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The Princeton Classics edition of Origins of the Urban Crisis , like many reprints, contains a new preface by the author meant to address these changes, and Sugrue offers some insightful commentary on the fiscal crisis and current redevelopment in the city that is optimistic in tone but blunt in asserting that market-driven neoliberal solutions will not revitalize the city on their own. While such a perspective will not be surprising for many urbanists, Sugrue, whose work has a relatively high level of visibility among Detroit-oriented policymakers, could potentially influence the exceedingly narrow public-policy debate on Detroit in this preface—and, hopefully, he will. Nevertheless, the ultimate test of a good historical account is arguably that it need not be updated in the present day to continue to be relevant to it. And, for the most part, Origins is still the book to read on Detroit, and more broadly, race, housing, and deindustrialization in the United States.